Terminology for sacred groves

Lucus was one of four Latin words meaning in general "forest, woodland, grove" (along with nemus, silva, and saltus), but unlike the others it was primarily used as a religious designation, meaning "sacred grove."^[3] Maurus Servius Honoratus, a late Roman grammarian, provides an explanation for the differences between these words, writing that a "lucus is a multitude of trees with religio, a nemus is an ordered multitude of trees," and a silva is "one which is extended and uncultivated."^[4][5] Isidore of Seville—a 6th-century scholar—defines the lucus as a "place enclosed by dense woods" ("locus densis arboribus septus") that blot out sunlight ("solo lucem detrahens"), and he claims that they were named for the lamps used there as part of religious ceremonies ("Potest et a conlucendo crebris luminibus dici, quae ibi propter religionem gentilium cultumque fiebant").^[6][7] Evidence from Livy, a 1st-century BCE Roman historian, appears to corroborate this definition, for he describes the grove ("lucus") of Hera at Crotone as "enclosed by dense woods and tall fir trees" ("frequenti silva et proceris abietis arboribus saeptus").^[8][7] The 1st-century BCE poet Ovid describes a lucus with the adjective sanctus,^[9] which is a term itself defined by the 5th-century CE author Macrobius as sometimes meaning "untainted" ("incorruptam"),^[10] perhaps implying that the lucus represents a grove undisturbed by human hand.^[11] Moreover, Ovid describes luci as the property of the divine, writing in his Metamorphoses that Nereus and the Nereids "possess" ("tenent") a sacred grove,^[12] which incidentally also reveals that ownership of a lucus could belong to multiple deities.^[13]

In the works of Ovid, the term silva appears to describe the broader forest region surrounding a lucus. For instance, Ovid recounts a story in which the goddess Diana returns from a day of hunting in a forest ("silva") and retires into her lucus, where she then invites Calliope and the forest nymphs to bathe together "in the forest" ("in silva").^[14] Within this passage, the term silva denotes the surrounding woodlands where Diana had been hunting. Moreover, while detailing the kidnapping of Persephone, he describes the goddess Proserpina playing within a lucus, while the surrounding natural space is referred to as a silva.^[15][13] According to the classicist Sofia Bianchi Mancini, the silva could, at least in Ovid, serve as the defining threshold for a lucus. Mancini notes Ovid's version of the myth of Pentheus, wherein the legendary Theban king approaches an "open plain free from trees" ("purus ab arboribus ... campus") that is surrounded by trees ("cingentibus ... silvis"). Though not strictly defined as a lucus within the text, Mancini argues that the notion of such an area devoid of trees is essentially the etymological definition of a lucus—that being, a clearing. In any case, it is within this particular area that the sacred rites of Bacchus are conducted, and it is from the surrounding woodland that Pentheus witnesses this ceremony with "profane eyes,"^[16] perhaps, in doing so—according to Mancini—effectively trespassing on the grove.^[17]

Statius, a 1st-century CE poet, utilizes the terms silva, nemus, and lucus to describe the same location. In his Thebaid, for instance, he describes a silva that is "enduring of time and bent by robust old age" ("capax aevi validaque incurva senecta"), but later in the same passage—after the goddess Diana is mentioned (who is known in the poem by the name Latonia)—the site is suddenly referred to as a nemus, and in the following lines, it is then later redesignated as a lucus.^[18][19] This exact same series of changing terminology (i.e. silva > nemus > lucus) reappears throughout the poem. In a later passage, he describes Adrastus and his companions walking through a forest ("silvas"), but then—upon seeing Hypsipyle and mistaking her for Diana—Adrastus addresses her as a "powerful goddess of the groves" ("diva potens nemorum"). Even later in the same section of the text, Hypsipyle, in exchange for her assistance in a war against Thebes, is promised an altar ("ara") that will "mark the sacred grove" ("lucus signabitur").^[20][21] According to Mancini, it is the act of performing a religious ritual in these spaces that transforms them from a regular forest into a sacred grove.^[22] Hence, these sites are only denoted as nemora or luci after divine presence is noted: The first example only becomes a nemus after Diana is introduced to the site ("Latonia ... additur"),^[23] and the second example only becomes a lucus once the altar is promised to mark the site.^[24]

The same type of transition between a nemus and a lucus also occurred in reverse. Instead of following a progression from silva > nemus > lucus, the poet might instead present a regression of lucus > nemus > silva.^[25] The downgrade from a lucus to a silva may have resulted from some sort of perceived tainting of the grove after it had been violated.^[26] For instance, Ovid, in his version of the myth of Actaeon, describes the hunter first wandering through an "unfamiliar nemus" (nemus ignotum) before arriving in the sacred grove ("lucum") of Diana. However, after Actaeon trespasses on the site, it is suddenly referred to once more as a nemus: Ovid describes the nymphs surrounding Diana “filling the whole grove with sudden cries” (“subitisque ululatibus omne inplevere nemus”).^[27][28] In another story, this one by Statius, a lucus is slowly destroyed so as to allow the construction of a funeral pyre for the mythical character Opheltes and, as the site is ruined, it is demoted to a nemus and eventually silva. First, Statius proclaims that "miserable destruction" ("miserabile ... excidium") awaited the lucus, but then, after the beasts and birds flee in fright ("fugere ferae, nidosque tepentes absiliunt (metus urguet) aves"), and the "towering birch tree falls" ("cadit ardua fagus"), it is referred to as a nemus. Finally, after various other acts of desecration, the gods Pan and Silvanus abandon the site, while the "forest groans" ("aggemit ... silva").^[29][30]

Connection with lux

Quintilian, a 1st-century CE orator, mentions a theory that the word derived from the verb lūceō ("to be light") via enantiosemy, on account of the darkness of the grove,^[31] presumably because the foliage could block out light.^[32] This particular etymology was not produced by Quintilian, but taken from earlier Roman scholarship, perhaps specifically the writings of Aelius Stilo, a prominent philologist preceding Quintilian to whom several other enantiosemic etymologies are directly attributed.^[33] In any case, this explanation became somewhat well-known in antiquity, as it reappears throughout numerous other works. For instance, Servius cites the "lucus a non lucendo" ("lucus from not being light") etymology as an example of words that emerge from antiphrasis,^[4] and Isidore mentions this same etymology multiple times throughout his works.^[34][35] This etymology was not, however, necessarily highly regarded by even the ancient grammarians, with Quintilian including it amongst the "most hideous absurdities" ("foedissima ... ludibria").^[36] The phrase lucus a non lucendo has even survived into modern English usage as a way of referring to illogical explanations.^[37]

Moder etymologists, however, do accept a connection between the terms lucus and lux ("light"). According to the Indo-European scholar Michiel de Vaan, the word derives from Proto-Italic *loukos, itself from Proto-Indo-European *lowkos ("light space").^[38] On the basis of its Indo-European cognates, such as Sanskrit loká ("open space") and Old High German lōh ("forest, grove"), it is probable that the Latin word also originally meant "clearing."^[39] This original sense is perhaps reflected in the writings of the 2nd-century BCE author Cato the Elder, who describes the "thinning of a lucus" ("lucum conlucare").^[40] According to the classicist Filippo Coarelli, this act of clearing the site is probably the process for the creation of a lucus, or a clearing.^[41] John Scheid, a scholar of Roman religion, argues that—by clearing the grove—the suppliants could once more permit light to shine on the area, thus allowing the space to fulfill its etymological purpose.^[42]

However, the classicist Alisa Hunt argues against "light-centric" interpretations of a lucus, noting that even the ancient Romans clearly felt as if the derivation from the lack of light ("a non lucendo") was tentative, and other ancient sources actually premise their etymological interpretation of the word on the presence of artificial light (e.g. candles).^[36] For instance, Isidore of Seville claims that they were named for the lamps used there as part of religious ceremonies ("Potest et a conlucendo crebris luminibus dici, quae ibi propter religionem gentilium cultumque fiebant").^[6][7] However, Servius explicitly rejects this theory, directly stating that a lucus is not termed as such because there are artificial lights in the grove ("sint ibi lumina causa religionis").^[43] Regardless, Isidore and Servius concur that luci were lit by artificial means, particularly utilizing lumina.^[4]

Expiatory rites

Ovid describes a prayer designed to expiate a shepherd in the event of having accidentally violated a sacred grove.^[44] The prayer lists numerous potential violations, appearing to try and cover a multitude of circumstances wherein the shepherd might have committed some religious crime, including the scenario that they might have cut off a branch of a tree in the grove. For a shepherd, the act of cutting off a branch or feeding it to their flock appears to have been relatively common, as Ovid himself elsewhere references the feeding of foliage to sheep ("quod pecori frondes . . . ministro").^[45][46] Nevertheless, to have violated the grove in such a manner was evidently still a religious infringement that required some level of amendment.^[45] Given that, in this passage, the shepherd unintentionally wandered into the site, it implies that a lucus had an unclear boundary, as otherwise the shepherd would not have been so unsure regarding the exact limits of the grove.^[47] Moreover, even the need itself for a catch-all prayer covering every possible offense indicates that the Romans themselves were not always certain of the precise limits to sacred groves.^[48]

According to the Lex Luci Spoletina, an ancient law composed sometime after 241 BCE, it was forbidden to cut any of the sacred trees or remove anything from the grove, except on the day of one particular sacred festival. The law stipulates that anyone who does violate the grove must perform an expiatory sacrifice to Jupiter and also pay a fine.^[50] In his book On Agriculture, Cato records a Roman ritual lucum conlucare, "to clear a clearing". The officiant is instructed to offer a pig as a piaculum, a propitiation or expiatory offering made in advance of the potential wrong committed against the grove through human agency.^[51] Afterwards, Cato provides further instructions for an additional ritual, stating that "If you wish to till the ground, offer a second sacrifice in the same way, with the addition of the words: “for the sake of doing this work" ("operis faciundi causa").^[52]

Pliny the Elder references this same prayer, stating that—according to Cato—it was permissible to cut down sacred trees provided that a sacrificed had been performed prior.^[53][45] The word piaculum is repeated three times in the prayer, emphasizing that the sacrifice of the pig is not a freewill offering, but something owed to the deity by right (ius). The piaculum compensates the deity for a transgression or offense, and differs from a regular sacrifice offered in the hope of procuring favor in return (do ut des).^[54] The ritual described here by Cato is similar to a practice documented in the epigraphic record for the Arval brotherhood, who would supposedly sacrifice "at the altar two expiatory pigs for pruning(?) the grove and performing work" ("ad aram immolavit porcas piaculares duas luci coinquendi et operis faciundi").^[55] However, whereas Cato describes two separate sacrifices each of one pig, the Arval brotherhood appears to have combined both rites into one sacrifice of two pigs.^[56]

The particular verb used to describe the arboricultural practice documented in the Acta Arvalia is coinquo, which is otherwise sparsely attested, though it is glossed by Festus as equivalent to coerceo ("to restrain, hold back").^[57] The veracity of this statement from Festus is corroborated by Cato, who uses the term coercendi—an inflected form of coerceo—in a similar part of the prayer where the Arval brotherhood instead uses coinquo.^[56] Given that the ultimate purpose of Cato's prayer was to conlucare ("to thin, clear") a grove, a term itself glossed by Festus as referring to the clearing of an area so as to fill the space with light. Thus, it can be concluded that, in the Catonian text, the verb coerceō must have referred to some action that—when performed on trees—simultaneously 'restrained' the trees and cleared the area to make room for light. On this basis, Hunt suggests that the word most likely denoted some sort of pruning. Consequently, it can be assumed to that supposedly synonymous word coinquo also referred to the pruning or trimming of trees.^[58] However, the classicist Andrew Fox suggests that there are other possible interpretations of the word that still satisfy the aforementioned definitional criteria: It could have, for instance, referred to the act of trying branches back so as to force trees to grow in a specific manner.^[59] Festus, or at least the later editor Paul the Deacon, does equate a form coninquo with deputare ("to prune"), and Hunt interprets this particular form as a manuscript error for coinquo,^[58] though Fox argues that it is unclear why either Festus or Paul would have defined the same term twice.^[60]

According to the classicist Nicole Belayche, the expiatory rite served to legitimize the act of clearing, thus protecting the suppliant from any potential violation of the sacred space.^[61] Given that the Arval brethren oversaw a sacred grove of Dea Dia, it might be assumed that their specific expiatory ritual was designed to exonerate them of any infringement on her sacred site. However, according to Hunt, the Acta Arvalia make no indication that the ceremony was motivated by any sense of wrongdoing committed against the sacred space. Dea Dia herself is hardly even mentioned in the proceedings, which only state that the ritual occurred at her grove.^[62] It is tempting, but misleading, to read ecological principles into ritualized agriculture; for the early Romans, respect was the partner of fear in their regard for the divine forces in nature, and the open invocation with which this prayer begins is a contractual "out" or hedge.^[63][a] In fact, Hunt argues that the pruning of the grove of Dea Dia was likely harmful to the trees. The Arval brotherhood conducted this ritual annually, and yearly trimmings are often detrimental to mature trees. Such arboricultural information was certainly known to the Romans, as Pliny the Elder writes that "a trimming is beneficial for trees, but to slaughter them every year is most injurious" ("interlucatio arboribus prodest, sed omnium annorum trucidatio inutilissima").^[65][66] Moreover, the ceremony was always conducted in May, which—according to modern arboreal science—is a terrible time for pruning trees.^[36][67] The Romans also held reservations regarding the trimming of trees during this time, with the 1st-century author Columella writing that in "regions that are sunny, where winters are mild, the best and most natural pruning is that of autumn."^[68][36]

Violations of the grove

Evidence from Pliny might imply that at least some believed that failure to adhere to proper rituals could bring disaster upon the collective Roman people. Pliny the Elder records that an elm branch was removed in the lucus of Juno at Nocera, which at the very least coincided with Roman defeats during the Cimbrian War. According to Fox, it is likely that—in this particular scenario—the pruning was not intentionally harmful, but presumably the rites had not been obeyed and thus the act constituted a religious crime. Pliny describes the deed with violent language, stating that the branch had been amputated ("amputatum erat"), perhaps indicating a more violent removal rather than a meticulous pruning. In any case, according to Pliny, the branch miraculously grew back of "its own volition" ("sponte") and even flowered, and afterwards Rome suddenly saw great victories in the war.^[69][70]

The Romans evidently viewed violations of the sacred grove as religious offenses. Festus, a 2nd-century Roman grammarian, mentions a "pre-eminent grove" ("lucus capitalis") that, if violated ("si quid violatum est"), would be "cleansed by the head of the violator" ("caput violatoris expiatur"),^[71] perhaps referring to beheading.^[72] Furthermore, Valerius Maximus, a 1st-century BCE Roman rhetorician, records the supposed divine wrath of Asclepius directed towards Decimus Turullius, a prefect of Marc Antony who supposedly cut down the trees in a sacred grove dedicated to the god. According to Maximus, upon Marc Antony's defeat in the Battle of Actium, Turullius was condemned to death by Augustus, and—due to the divine machinations of Ascelpius—his execution happened to occur in the same grove which he had previously violated.^[73][50] Many of the details of this story are probably of the result of Valerius employing poetic license, and it is likely that this account is not fully accurate.^[74]

However, the Romans did not necessarily respect all sacred groves: Plutarch, a 1st-century CE Greek historian, writes that Sulla—during his siege of Athens—destroyed the sacred groves ("ἱεροῖς ἄλσεσι," "hieroîs álsesi") present in the Lyceum and the Academy,^[75] in spite of the cultural importance to the Athenians.^[50] Tacitus, a 1st-century CE historian, describes a Roman army, at the behest of its commander Suetonius Paullinus, destroying sacred groves to "savage cults" ("luci saevis superstitionibus sacri") in Roman Britain,^[76] supposedly because "they [the Britons] considered it a pious duty to slake the altars with captive blood and to consult their deities by means of human entrails."^[77] Tacitus does not explicitly address the potential of divine punishment for the Roman troops, though he immediately follows the account of the destruction of the groves with the foreboding words: "While he [Suetonius] was thus occupied, the sudden revolt of the province was announced to Suetonius."^[76][77]

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