Origins

The economy of Malaysia had been badly affected by the 1997 Asian financial crisis.^[41] To alleviate the crisis, Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim instituted a series of economic reforms and austerity measures under his jurisdiction as the Minister of Finance. The package included reducing government spending by 18%, cutting ministerial salaries, and deferring major projects despite it being the cornerstone development strategy of the Mahathir government.^[42][43][44] As a result, the reforms were seen as challenging the administration's policies, and the situation was later exacerbated when he tabled controversial amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act that sought to increase the powers of the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA).^[45][46][47] Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad strongly disagreed with these measures, and towards the end of 1998, their relationship began to heavily deteriorate, triggered by their conflicting views on governance.^[48] Eventually, this culminated in Mahathir dismissing Anwar from his cabinet positions on 2 September 1998, before expelling Anwar from UMNO the day after.^[49][50] The dismissal occurred despite Anwar being his own protégé who held deep influence within both the party and government.^[51][52][53]

The sacking of Anwar was not considered unexpected, as Mahathir had been giving increased responsibility over economic policymaking to his ally, Daim Zainuddin, which undermined Anwar's own powers.^[54][55] Anwar's sacking also coincided with the sudden imposition of stringent currency and capital controls.^[56][57] On 1 September 1998, Mahathir announced sweeping currency exchange controls and pegged the ringgit at 3.8 to the US dollar, signaling a shift away from the more free-market policies previously pursued by Anwar.^[58] A day later, Anwar was fired from his positions as Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister.^[59] The timing led to suggestions that the controls were intended to prevent capital flight triggered by Anwar's anticipated arrest.^[60] Although Anwar and Mahathir had long disagreed over aspects of national economic policies, he was ostensibly fired over claims of sexual misconduct. Before charges were even laid, Mahathir accused Anwar of being guilty of adultery and sodomy, who then attempted to cover up the evidence of his alleged scandals.^[61] The claims were later revealed to be false as part of a campaign to discredit Anwar.^[62][63]

Within UMNO, the sentiment had become exceedingly divided. A large but unquantifiable number of party leaders were considered “Anwaristas”, whereas others did not support Anwar but felt it was time for Mahathir to step down.^[64] Party members were known to privately confess dissatisfaction with Mahathir's handling of the Anwar affair and supported his resignation, but believed they should keep their doubts to themselves and remain loyal to the party, including Mahathir.^[64] Several surveys, including purported Special Branch reports leaked by civil servants, suggested that as many as 80 per cent of civil servants, UMNO members, and Malay voters overall did not support Mahathir.^[65][66] One party source was more specific, stating that 80 per cent of civil servants and 60 per cent of students did not support Mahathir, whereas village dwellers were about evenly split between support for Anwar and Mahathir.^[64] In June 1998, the defamatory book, 50 Dalil Mengapa Anwar Tidak Boleh Jadi PM (transl. 50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Be Prime Minister), mysteriously found its way into the delegate bags of attendees at the UMNO general assembly.^[67][68] Speculation was rife that Anwar had been planning a coup at the party general assembly.^[69][70][71] This occurred following uncertainties in Mahathir's promise to hand over power, which he never followed through with.^[72]

Following his sacking, Anwar Ibrahim and sixteen of his political associates were arrested between 20 and 29 September 1998 under the Internal Security Act (ISA).^[73] The detainment occurred hours after Anwar led over 50,000 protesters through Merdeka Square in Kuala Lumpur on 20 September, which coincided with the arrival of Queen Elizabeth II for the closing ceremony of the 1998 Commonwealth Games.^[74][75] Approximately one hundred riot police were deployed during the arrest, which involved breaking down the front door of Anwar’s home before taking him away in a heavily guarded van.^[76] Amnesty International designated the individuals in detention as "prisoners of conscience", stating they were held solely for non-violent political activities.^[73] During the detention, Anwar was blindfolded, handcuffed, and severely beaten before being denied medical treatment.^[77] He later appeared in court with visible injuries after nine days of incommunicado detention, including a black eye and bruises on the neck and arm, raising concerns of prisoner abuse.^[78][79] Human rights organisations criticised the use of the ISA to detain political opponents, as well as the violent dispersal of peaceful pro-reform demonstrations and broader restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression by the government.^[73] The following political associates of Anwar were arrested alongside him under the Internal Security Act:

• Anwar Ibrahim – Former Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister
• Ahmad Zahid Hamidi – United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) Youth Chief
• Ruslan Kasim – Negeri Sembilan UMNO Youth Chief
• Kamarudin Jaffar – Tumpat UMNO Division Chief
• Tamunif Mokhtar – Cheras UMNO Division Chief
• Zambry Abdul Kadir – Lumut UMNO Youth Chief
• Kamarudin Md Nor – UMNO state assemblyman for Semerak, Kelantan
• Asmaon Ismail – UMNO state assemblyman for Panti, Johor
• Abdul Malek Hussin – Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) Executive Secretary
• Ahmad Azam Ab Rahman – Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement (ABIM) President
• Shaharuddin Badaruddin – ABIM Secretary-General
• Mukhtar Redzuan – ABIM Deputy President
• Abdul Halim Ismail – ABIM Vice-President
• Amidi Abdul Manan – National Muslim Students Association (PKPIM) President
• Ahmad Shabrini Md Sidek – PKPIM Secretary-General
• Sidek Baba – International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM) Deputy Rector
• Zulkifli Nordin – Member of Anwar Ibrahim's legal team

This incident and the circumstances in which it occurred led to a public outcry that became known as the Reformasi movement, triggered by the arrest and detention without trial of Anwar Ibrahim on charges of sexual misconduct and corruption that were widely considered politically motivated.^[73] The movement, which began as the country hosted the 1998 Commonwealth Games, initially demanded for the resignation of Mahathir Mohamad and an end to the alleged corruption and cronyism within the Barisan Nasional (BN) government. It would go on to become a reform movement demanding social equality and justice in Malaysia, employing various forms of protest, including civil disobedience, mass demonstrations, internet activism, and at times, rioting.^[32] The movement was considered a watershed moment in Malaysian political history, galvanising a historically weak opposition that culminated in the defeat of Barisan Nasional in 2018, ending 61 years of uninterrupted one-party rule since independence.^[80][81]

Founding and early history (1998–1999)

The Reformasi movement continued to develop despite Anwar being detained, with “Justice for Anwar” remaining a potent rallying call. Before his arrest, Anwar had designated his wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, as the successor of the movement.^[82] Wan Azizah went on to develop an enormous following, attracting thousands to her speeches and even drawing parallels to Corazon Aquino of the Philippines.^[64] For a time, these followers held massive weekend street demonstrations, mostly in Kuala Lumpur but also occasionally in Penang and other cities, demanding “keadilan” (justice) and Mahathir's resignation.^[83] During Anwar's police custody in September 1998, he was beaten by the Inspector-General of Police, Abdul Rahim Mohd Noor, which led to the infamous black eye.^[84] The imagery of the black eye was adopted as a rallying symbol of demanded justice by his supporters and eventually became inspiration for the new party flag. Jocularly known as the Bendera Mata Lebam ("Black Eye Flag"), the flag was designed by artist Syed Ahmad Syed Jamal.^[85]

The Reformasi movement was repeatedly framed by Mahathir and the Malaysian government as a product of foreign interference.^[86] This particularly came after US Vice President Al Gore's remarks at the 1998 APEC summit in Kuala Lumpur where he publicly expressed support for the Reformasi movement, using the word “reformasi” itself and referring to its supporters as the “brave people of Malaysia”.^[87] International media reported how Gore's remarks were seen as a “sharp rebuke” to the Malaysian government and an “unexpected boost” for Anwar's supporters.^[88] US President Bill Clinton was said to have stood behind this sentiment, which was shown from his absence at the summit along with the decision by US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright to meet Anwar's wife.^[88] Following the speech, government ministers claimed that Gore's remarks proved there was a “foreign conspiracy to interfere in Malaysia's domestic affairs” and that foreign elements were behind the reform movement.^[89]

Building on the momentum of Reformasi, the Movement for Social Justice (Malay: Pergerakan Keadilan Sosial), also known as ADIL, was launched on 10 December 1998 by Wan Azizah and long-time activist Chandra Muzaffar to bridge the gap between Islamic-oriented and secular advocacy groups.^[64][90][91] ADIL claimed upward to 70,000 “endorsers”, but its bid for registration was never approved. Facing difficulties in registering ADIL as a political party, the Reformasi movement instead merged with the Muslim Community Union of Malaysia (Malay: Ikatan Masyarakat Islam Malaysia), a minor Islamic political party based in Terengganu, and relaunched it as the National Justice Party (Malay: Parti Keadilan Nasional), also known as PKN or KeADILan, on 4 April 1999. The registration was just in time for the new party to take part in the 1999 general election and put to rest months of speculation on whether Wan Azizah and Anwar would continue remaining in ADIL, join the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), take over the Malaysian People's Party (PRM), or stage a coup within UMNO.^[64][92] Although KeADILan was multiracial, its primary target was middle-class, middle-of-the-road Malays, particularly from UMNO. The party has been noted as having rough similarities with the now-defunct social democratic Parti Keadilan Masyarakat Malaysia (PEKEMAS).^[93]

Barisan Alternatif era (1999–2004)

Ahead of the 1999 general election, the allied opposition parties announced their plans in June to form an electoral pact and contest in 192 parliamentary constituencies.^[94] KeADILan joined together with the Democratic Action Party (DAP), the Malaysian People's Party (PRM), and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) in a big tent alliance of liberals, socialists, and Islamists, forming the Barisan Alternatif (BA) on 24 October 1999 to take on the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition.^[95] In the past, the main obstacle to opposition cooperation had been the advocacy from PAS for the establishment of an Islamic state in Malaysia, including at least partial imposition of hudud laws. While non-Muslims would have full civil rights, including freedom of religion, their political rights would be limited as non-Muslims.^[64] The other opposition parties in Malaysia, particularly DAP, were opposed to the idea of an Islamic state.^[96] However, PAS expressed its willingness to temporarily shelve the concept for the sake of opposition unity.^[97] Despite that, many DAP supporters were not keen on cooperation with PAS, distrusting their downplaying of the "Islamic state" issue.^[98][99] Nevertheless, the reservations were set aside for lack of other options.^[98][100]

While parliament's term was set to end in June the next year, an early election was called in November under the pretext of avoiding “undesirable” behaviour during the Islamic holy month of Ramadan in December. International media speculated that Mahathir wanted an early election to be held before some 650,000 new voters became eligible to participate.^[101][102] In the lead-up to the election, multiple activists and party members were arrested following a massive demonstration of over 10,000 protesters at the National Mosque on 19 September, including KeADILan leaders Tian Chua, Mohamed Azmin Ali, Ezam Mohd Nor, Abdul Ghani Haroon [ms], and Badrulamin Bahron [ms].^[103] During the demonstration, Mustaffa Kamil Ayub and Hanafiah Man were beaten by the police and labeled “at risk of detention” alongside Ruslan Kasim [ms], Lokman Noor Adam, and Gobalakrishnan Nagapan.^[103][104]

With parliament dissolving on 11 November, parties were only left with 9 days to campaign between the nomination period and election day from 20 to 29 November. The short campaign period drew heavy criticism from the opposition.^[33] The party also entered the campaign with many of its key leaders under arrest while having to contend with the distribution of libelous pornographic videocassettes that implicated Anwar, as well as a lack of access to traditional and printed media.^[33] The government also cracked down on press freedom and denied opposition parties access to state-run public broadcaster Radio Televisyen Malaysia (RTM), a departure from previous elections where the opposition was given at least token air-time on radio to present its electoral strategy.^[105] During the campaign period, Mahathir was even alleged to have launched a fear campaign targeted at non-Muslim voters, including trying to arouse fears of racial division, Islamic fundamentalism, and a repeat of the unrest that accompanied Indonesia's reform movement.^[106][107] Television advertisements, news bulletins and full-page advertisements in newspapers branded the opposition as rioters and looters who would bring instability, and the government threatened that if Malaysians, especially Chinese voters, supported the opposition, Malaysia would become as “riot-torn and bloody” as Indonesia, with television channels broadcasting images from Indonesia’s racial riots “almost hourly”.^[64][106]

The election eventually resulted in an opposition defeat. Despite winning 40.28% of the vote, Barisan Alternatif won only 42 of 193 seats, far fewer than the 65 needed to break BN's two-thirds majority.^[108] Within the coalition, KeADILan won five seats with 11.67% of the vote. The rest was won by PAS and DAP with 27 and 10 seats respectively. However, the party secured a symbolic victory after Wan Azizah won in Permatang Pauh, the seat formerly held by her husband, with a majority of 9,077 votes.^[107] Despite Wan Azizah's popularity, the biggest opposition winner was PAS, which increased 20 seats from the previous election and won a majority in the two state assemblies of Kelantan and Terengganu, while its party membership grew from 500,000 in September 1998 to about 700,000 a year later.^[64] Although voters were described as sympathetic to criticisms of cronyism and corruption, political experts believed that most voters did not consider the opposition to be a reliable alternative.^[107] Nevertheless, the ruling Barisan Nasional suffered badly despite securing a two-thirds majority of 148 seats with 56.52% of the vote, as four cabinet ministers, six deputy ministers, one chief minister, and several state executive councillors lost their seats.^[106] For the first time in Malaysia's history, UMNO also received less than half of the Malay vote.^[109][110] However, most non-Malays remained loyal to the government due to stability concerns and a successful fear campaign, with many Chinese voters rejecting the opposition coalition over its association with a fundamental Islamic party.^[111]

In April 2001, following public protests over Anwar’s continued detention, the government arrested ten high-profile activists over a two-week period.^[112] Most of them were senior KeADILan leaders, including Tian Chua, Ezam Mohd Nor, Gobalakrishnan Nagapan, Saari Sungib, Badrulamin Bahron [ms], Abdul Ghani Haroon [ms], and Lokman Noor Adam.^[113] The other detainees were civil society leaders, which included Badaruddin Ismail, Raja Petra Kamaruddin, and Hishamuddin Rais. The government claimed that the KeADILan activists were planning violent protests in order to overthrow the government, and were attempting to procure weapons and explosives.^[112] Despite the serious nature of the charges, the government produced no evidence to support its claim.^[114] The arrested were subsequently charged and incarcerated under the Internal Security Act, and would later become known as the Reformasi 10.^[112][115] While in detention, the KeADILan detainees were regularly threatened, coerced, and psychologically abused.^[112] The detainees were also interrogated for several hours straight over multiple days while being kept in solitary confinement, and were denied access to an attorney or family visits during the first several weeks of their detention.^[112][116] The interrogators also threatened physical abuse to force the KeADILan detainees into confessing to various crimes or to answer questions.^[112] According to the Human Rights Watch, the tactics were designed to maximise the psychological pressure on the detainees and to coerce them into making false confessions about taking steps to overthrow the government by force.^[112]

Merger and electoral setback (2003–2008)

The post-election period saw negotiations between KeADILan and the socialist Malaysian People's Party (PRM) in 2000 over a possible merger.^[117] However, the proposal faced internal opposition from the party's Islamic democratic ABIM faction led by Ahmad Azam Ab Rahman [ms].^[118] As a result, the party failed to obtain the necessary two-thirds majority in July 2001 that would amend its constitution to facilitate the merger. Nevertheless, PRM delegates overwhelmingly voted to support the merger at their congress that year.^[119] On 25 July 2002, a memorandum of understanding (MoU) was signed between the two parties at the KeADILan headquarters at Phileo Damansara in Petaling Jaya, Selangor, to formalise the merger process and overcome remaining disagreements, including over key posts in the new party.^[120] The MoU contained 13 articles covering the new party's name, logo, leadership transition, and organisational structure.^[120] A key provision was that all major decisions by the transitional leadership would be made by consensus to avoid a power struggle.^[121] Witnesses to the MoU signing on KeADILan's side included president Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, deputy president Abdul Rahman Othman, secretary-general Sahri Bahri, alongside Xavier Jayakumar, Fuziah Salleh, and Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, whereas delegates from PRM included president Syed Husin Ali, deputy president Rustam Sani, secretary-general Sanusi Osman [ms], vice-presidents Lee Sang and Sivarasa Rasiah, along with Latheefa Koya.^[120]

On 3 August 2003, the merger was officially launched at the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH) in Bukit Bintang, Kuala Lumpur, attended by over 2,000 party members and supporters.^[122][123] The new party was named the People's Justice Party (Malay: Parti Keadilan Rakyat) and retained the “keADILan” acronym on top of the “PKR” abbreviation.^[123] The logo combined KeADILan's blue-and-white design with two red stripes on either side to signify PRM's presence.^[120] The party adopted a 17-point platform centred on democracy, justice, and equality for all Malaysians regardless of race or religion.^[124] It aimed to generate a “new political culture” and replace what it called “old politics”.^[122] KeADILan's president, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, became the new party's president, while PRM's president, Syed Husin Ali, became deputy president.^[123] The combined membership was approximated to be roughly 205,000.^[123]

Although the new party had been launched, the Registrar of Societies [ms] (ROS) had not approved the constitutional amendments necessary to formalise the merger.^[123] An application had been submitted nine months before the launch, but remained pending by August 2003. Party officials were told that while the ROS had cleared the amendments at their level, they were still waiting for clearance from other agencies.^[123] The resulting delay in the dissolution of PRM created a legal loophole that a dissident faction exploited. Although PRM delegates had voted in 2001 to dissolve the party and merge with KeADILan, the merger required ROS approval of the new party's constitution before the dissolution could take effect. This meant PRM technically continued to exist as a legal entity. This situation enabled a faction led by Hassan Abdul Karim, a former PRM youth chief, to attempt to revive the party.^[125] In April 2005, Hassan convened a special congress to revive PRM, arguing that the party had been left to languish and that the ROS had given notice it might be struck off the rolls. His former colleagues, including PRM's former president Syed Husin Ali, accused him of playing divisive politics.^[125]

In the lead up to the 2004 general election in March, the amendments to the party constitution were still yet to be approved. Despite the ROS delay, the new party was determined to contest the election regardless. Party leaders believed that candidates would be able to run under the new party's emblem as long as it was registered with the Election Commission even without ROS's formal approval. As a result, the party proceeded with its launch and PRM fielded candidates under KeADILan's new symbol.^[126] However, Mahathir resigned in 2003 following heavy discontent among Malay voters.^[80] His successor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, was well-regarded and had strong reformist credentials, resulting in a surge of popularity for the ruling coalition. As a result, the party fared poorly in the election, retaining only one seat in its stronghold of Permatang Pauh despite winning 9 per cent of the popular vote. The poor showing was later attributed in part to malapportionment and gerrymandering in the redelineation of constituencies, with one estimate suggesting that on average, a vote for the BN government was worth 28 times the vote of a KeADILan supporter.^[127]

On 2 September 2004, the Federal Court of Malaysia overturned Anwar Ibrahim's sodomy conviction in a landmark 2–1 majority decision, leading to his immediate release from prison.^[128] The Federal Court found that the High Court had “misdirected itself” and that Anwar's conviction was “unsafe”. It also determined that the key witness, Azizan Abu Bakar [ms], was unreliable due to inconsistencies and contradictions in his testimony, including giving three different dates for the alleged incident.^[129] The court ruled that Anwar should have been acquitted at the end of the prosecution's case without being called to enter a defense. The bench, led by Justice Abdul Hamid Mohamad, set aside the nine-year prison sentence.^[129] As Anwar had already served his six-year sentence for a separate corruption conviction, the overturning of the sodomy charge meant he was freed immediately. Despite his release, Anwar remained barred from holding public office until April 2008 due to his corruption conviction. Nevertheless, Anwar credited Abdullah Ahmad Badawi for not interfering with the judiciary, stating that “his predecessor wouldn't have made this judgment possible.”^[130] This unexpected turn of events came timely for PKR, which was facing flagging morale due to its dismal performance in the elections, and was described as having “revitalised the opposition.”^[131]

In December 2005, PKR organised its second national congress in Kuala Lumpur.^[132] Among the motions passed was the New Economic Agenda (NEA), which envisioned a non-racial economic policy to replace the race-based New Economic Policy.^[133] The NEA was propounded by Anwar Ibrahim and outlined several key principles, including an emphasis on justice for all Malaysians, eradicating poverty regardless of race, narrowing the development gap between rural and urban areas, ensuring limited government intervention, and forging partnerships with the private sector.^[134] The New Economic Agenda was a direct challenge to the NEP, which had been the cornerstone of Malaysia's affirmative action policy since 1971, but was seen by PKR as benefiting only a certain political elite and fostering cronyism.^[135] The motion was unanimously approved by the congress.

The party managed a breakthrough into Sarawak politics in May 2006, a state traditionally known as a BN stronghold. In that year's state elections, Dominique Ng Kim Ho won the Padungan constituency in Kuching, a majority Chinese locale. The party also narrowly lost in Saribas, a Malay-Melanau constituency, by just 94 votes. Reports noted that despite an uneven playing field, with allegations of media bias, vote buying, and electoral manipulation, the opposition managed several victories, primarily in Chinese-majority constituencies.^[136] The opposition also emerged as an important player in the state for the first time since 1987, with the results described as “a shock to both the government and the opposition parties.”^[136][137] Analysts found that while traditional politics persisted among Malay voters, who did not favour political change, Chinese voters were “more pragmatic and in favour of change.”^[137] They also credited the “Anwar factor” for boosting party support, noting that BN's smear campaign likely backfired and prompted Chinese voters to no longer view Anwar as a radical Muslim.^[138]

The release of Anwar also saw the party pursue a strategy of attracting personalities from within and outside politics. The recruitments were a deliberate strategy to broaden the party's appeal beyond its traditional base of activists and urban Malays. The most significant was the appointment of Khalid Ibrahim, a former CEO of Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB) and Guthrie, as treasurer-general of the party in July 2006.^[139] During his tenure at PNB, he famously led the “dawn raid” on the London Stock Exchange in 1981, acquiring 51% of Guthrie Corporation in less than two hours. His entry into PKR was considered a major coup, bringing financial and governing expertise to a party that had been largely associated with street activism and the Reformasi movement.^[140] Former ministers and deputy ministers were also among the notable recruits, including Zaid Ibrahim, Chua Jui Meng, Fauzi Abdul Rahman, and Jeffrey Kitingan.^{[141][142][143][144]}

Pakatan Rakyat era (2008–2015)

In the 2008 elections, PKR contested alongside DAP and PAS in a new coalition known as Pakatan Rakyat (PR). The party won 31 seats in parliament, while DAP and PAS won 28 and 23 seats respectively. The 82 seats won by the coalition denied BN a two-thirds majority against a backdrop of rises in inflation, crime, and ethnic tension.^[145]

PKR also successfully contested the state legislative elections which saw the loose coalition of PKR, DAP and PAS forming coalition governments in the states of Kelantan, Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor. The offices of the Menteri Besar of Selangor and the Deputy Chief Minister of Penang were held by PKR members, Khalid Ibrahim and Fairus Khairuddin, respectively.

Anwar's five-year ban from contesting elections, imposed on anyone sentenced to longer than a year in jail, ended on 14 April 2008.^[146] A gathering held by supporters celebrating the end of the ban was dispersed by police.^[147] Despite the ban, Anwar continued being widely seen as PKR's de facto leader throughout his imprisonment.^[148]

Anwar returned to parliament on 28 August 2008 following a landslide victory in the 2008 Permatang Pauh by-election, triggered by Wan Azizah's resignation.^[149][150] He was quoted as saying, "I'm glad to be back after a decade. The prime minister has lost the mandate of the country and the nation",^[151][152] Despite the claim, Anwar would need at least 30 defections from government lawmakers to form a majority.^[153][154]

In June 2010, the party's official newspaper, Suara Keadilan, was suspended over an article alleging that the Federal Land Development Authority (Felda) had gone bankrupt.^[155] Government officials and Felda itself rejected the assertion as inaccurate.^[156] The Malaysian Home Ministry responded by issuing a show-cause letter to the publication demanding an explanation, to which the ministry stated that it was unsatisfied with the response given by the editors.^[157] The Home Ministry afterwards declined to renew the newspaper's publishing permit, which had expired on 30 June 2010, thereby halting its regular publication. The decision was made under the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984, which grants the ministry broad authority to regulate and revoke publication permits.^[158] The suspension drew criticism from civil society organisations and press freedom advocates, who viewed the move as a regulatory pressure on opposition-linked publications in Malaysia.^[159]

On 9 January 2012, Anwar Ibrahim was acquitted of a separate sodomy charge from 2008 by the Kuala Lumpur High Court, presided over by Judge Mohamad Zabidin Diah. He had been accused by his former aide, Saiful Bukhari Azlan, of sodomising him.^[160] The court determined that the prosecution had failed to establish elements of the offence beyond a reasonable doubt, leading to Anwar's full discharge from the case.

Pakatan Harapan era (2015–present)

In 2015, Anwar Ibrahim's conviction was upheld, and he was imprisoned for a second time.^[173][174] Without his influence, conflict immediately emerged between PAS and DAP regarding the implementation of sharia law in Kelantan and Terengganu, resulting in the dissolution of the Pakatan Rakyat coalition in June 2015.^[175][176] It was succeeded by a new coalition known as Pakatan Harapan (PH) in September 2015, formed by the remnants of Pakatan Rakyat and the newly established National Trust Party (AMANAH), a PAS splinter which consisted of moderate PAS leaders who were ousted during the party's 2015 leadership election.^[177][178] The new coalition emphasised multiracial reformism, with a common manifesto pledging anti-corruption measures, electoral reforms, and economic redistribution to counter the long-standing dominance of Barisan Nasional.^[179]

The earlier split with PAS had left PKR and DAP without a Malay support base. However, this was supplemented by the entry of the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU) in March 2017 as the fourth coalition partner. The UMNO splinter was led by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, and it brought veteran leadership while bolstering the coalition's Malay appeal against the ruling BN government. The entry of Mahathir's party marked the reconciliation of Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir Mohamad, two longtime enemies since the former's imprisonment by the latter in 1998.

As the main opposition from 2015 to 2018, PKR challenged BN's rule through the PH coalition by highlighting scandals, such as the 1MDB scandal, where investigations revealed over US$4.5 billion in diverted assets linked to the accounts of Prime Minister Najib Razak.^[180] PH leveraged parliamentary scrutiny, public rallies, and protests organised by the Bersih coalition to erode BN's legitimacy.

Central Leadership Council (2025–2028)

President

Deputy President

Women's Chief

Youth Chief

Dewan Negara (Senate)

Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives)

Members of Parliament of the 15th Malaysian Parliament

Main article: Members of the Dewan Rakyat, 15th Malaysian Parliament

PKR has 28 members in the House of Representatives.

State	No.	Parliament Constituency	Member	Party
Kedah	P015	Sungai Petani	Mohammed Taufiq Johari		PKR
Penang	P047	Nibong Tebal	Fadhlina Sidek		PKR
	P052	Bayan Baru	Sim Tze Tzin		PKR
	P053	Balik Pulau	Muhammad Bakhtiar Wan Chik		PKR
Perak	P062	Sungai Siput	Kesavan Subramaniam		PKR
	P063	Tambun	Anwar Ibrahim		PKR
	P071	Gopeng	Tan Kar Hing		PKR
	P077	Tanjong Malim	Chang Lih Kang		PKR
Selangor	P097	Selayang	William Leong Jee Keen		PKR
	P098	Gombak	Amirudin Shari		PKR
	P099	Ampang	Rodziah Ismail		PKR
	P105	Petaling Jaya	Lee Chean Chung		PKR
	P107	Sungai Buloh	Ramanan Ramakrishnan		PKR
Kuala Lumpur	P115	Batu	Prabakaran Parameswaran		PKR
	P116	Wangsa Maju	Zahir Hassan		PKR
	P121	Lembah Pantai	Fahmi Fadzil		PKR
	P124	Bandar Tun Razak	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail		PKR
Negeri Sembilan	P132	Port Dickson	Aminuddin Harun		PKR
Malacca	P137	Hang Tuah Jaya	Adam Adli Abdul Halim		PKR
Johor	P140	Segamat	Yuneswaran Ramaraj		PKR
	P141	Sekijang	Zaliha Mustafa		PKR
	P144	Ledang	Syed Ibrahim Syed Noh		PKR
	P150	Batu Pahat	Onn Abu Bakar		PKR
	P158	Tebrau	Jimmy Puah Wee Tse		PKR
	P159	Pasir Gudang	Hassan Abdul Karim		PKR
	P160	Johor Bahru	Akmal Nasrullah Mohd Nasir		PKR
Sabah	P171	Sepanggar	Mustapha Sakmud		PKR
Sarawak	P219	Miri	Chiew Choon Man		PKR
Total	Kedah (1), Penang (3), Perak (4), Selangor (5), F.T. Kuala Lumpur (4), Negeri Sembilan (1), Malacca (1), Johor (7), Sabah (1), Sarawak (1)

Dewan Undangan Negeri (State Legislative Assembly)

Malaysian State Assembly Representatives

Main article: List of Malaysian State Assembly Representatives (2023–present)

Selangor State Legislative Assembly 12 / 56 Penang State Legislative Assembly 7 / 40 Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly 2 / 36 Perak State Legislative Assembly 5 / 59

Perlis State Legislative Assembly 1 / 15 Pahang State Legislative Assembly 3 / 47 Kedah State Legislative Assembly 2 / 36 Sabah State Legislative Assembly 2 / 79

Johor State Legislative Assembly 1 / 56 Sarawak State Legislative Assembly 0 / 82 Malacca State Legislative Assembly 0 / 28 Kelantan State Legislative Assembly 0 / 45

Terengganu State Legislative Assembly 0 / 32

State	No.	Parliament Constituency	No.	State Constituency	Member	Party
Perlis	P002	Kangar	N08	Indera Kayangan	Gan Ay Ling		PKR
Kedah	P015	Sungai Petani	N28	Bakar Arang	Adam Loh Wei Chai		PKR
			N29	Sidam	Bau Wong Bau Ek		PKR
Penang	P045	Bukit Mertajam	N14	Machang Bubok	Lee Khai Loon		PKR
	P046	Batu Kawan	N17	Bukit Tengah	Gooi Hsiao-Leung		PKR
			N18	Bukit Tambun	Goh Choon Aik		PKR
	P048	Bukit Bendera	N24	Kebun Bunga	Lee Boon Heng		PKR
	P052	Bayan Baru	N35	Batu Uban	Kumaresan Aramugam		PKR
			N36	Pantai Jerejak	Fahmi Zainol		PKR
			N37	Batu Maung	Mohamad Abdul Hamid		PKR
Perak	P063	Tambun	N24	Hulu Kinta	Muhamad Arafat Varisai Mahamad		PKR
	P070	Kampar	N43	Tulang Sekah	Mohd Azlan Helmi		PKR
	P071	Gopeng	N45	Simpang Pulai	Wong Chai Yi		PKR
			N46	Teja	Sandrea Ng Shy Ching		PKR
	P075	Bagan Datuk	N54	Hutan Melintang	Wasanthee Sinnasamy		PKR
Pahang	P082	Indera Mahkota	N13	Semambu	Chan Chun Kuang		PKR
	P083	Kuantan	N14	Teruntum	Sim Chon Siang		PKR
			—	Nominated Member	Rizal Jamin		PKR
Selangor	P097	Selayang	N14	Rawang	Chua Wei Kiat		PKR
	P098	Gombak	N16	Sungai Tua	Amirudin Shari		PKR
	P099	Ampang	N19	Bukit Antarabangsa	Mohd Kamri Kamaruddin		PKR
			N20	Lembah Jaya	Syed Ahmad Syed Abdul Rahman Al-Hadad		PKR
	P102	Bangi	N25	Kajang	David Cheong Kian Young		PKR
	P105	Petaling Jaya	N32	Seri Setia	Mohammad Fahmi Ngah		PKR
	P106	Damansara	N37	Bukit Lanjan	Pua Pei Ling		PKR
	P107	Sungai Buloh	N39	Kota Damansara	Izuan Kasim		PKR
	P108	Shah Alam	N40	Kota Anggerik	Najwan Halimi		PKR
	P110	Klang	N46	Pelabuhan Klang	Azmizam Zaman Huri		PKR
	P111	Kota Raja	N48	Sentosa	Gunarajah George		PKR
	P113	Sepang	N51	Tanjong Sepat	Borhan Aman Shah		PKR
Negeri Sembilan	P132	Port Dickson	N29	Chuah	Yew Boon Lye		PKR
			N33	Sri Tanjung	Rajasekaran Gunnasekaran		PKR
Johor	P158	Tebrau	N41	Puteri Wangsa	Maszlee Malik		PKR
Sabah	P181	Tenom	N42	Melalap	Jamawi Ja'afar		PKR
	-			Nominated Member	Grace Lee Li Mei		PKR
Total	Perlis (1), Kedah (2), Penang (7), Perak (5), Pahang (3), Selangor (12), Negeri Sembilan (2), Johor (1), Sabah (2)

Ministerial posts

Portfolio	Office bearer	Constituency
Prime Minister	Anwar Ibrahim	Tambun
Minister of Finance
Minister of Home Affairs	Saifuddin Nasution Ismail	Senator
Minister of Economy	Akmal Nasir	Johor Bahru
Minister of Education	Fadhlina Sidek	Nibong Tebal
Minister of Youth and Sports	Mohammed Taufiq Johari	Sungai Petani
Minister of Human Resources	Ramanan Ramakrishnan	Sungai Buloh
Minister of Science, Technology and Innovation	Chang Lih Kang	Tanjong Malim
Minister of Communications	Fahmi Fadzil	Lembah Pantai
Minister in the Prime Minister's Department (Sabah and Sarawak Affairs)	Mustapha Sakmud	Sepanggar

Portfolio	Office bearer	Constituency
Deputy Minister of Investment, Trade and Industry	Sim Tze Tzin	Bayan Baru
Deputy Minister of Natural Resources and Environmental Sustainability	Syed Ibrahim Syed Noh	Ledang
Deputy Minister of Tourism, Arts and Culture	Chiew Choon Man	Miri
Deputy Minister of Higher Education	Adam Adli Abdul Halim	Hang Tuah Jaya
Deputy Minister of Domestic Trade and Costs of Living	Fuziah Salleh	Senator
Deputy Minister of National Unity	Yuneswaran Ramaraj	Segamat

State governments

PKR currently leads the government of Selangor and Negeri Sembilan and served as junior partner in several states governed by Pakatan Harapan, GRS and Barisan Nasional

• Selangor (2008–2014^[239], 2014–present)
• Negeri Sembilan (2018–2026)
• Penang (2008–present)
• Pahang (2022–present)
• Perak (2008–2009, 2018–2020, 2022–present)
• Malacca (2018–2020, 2022–present)
• Sabah (2018–2020, 2022–present)
• Johor (2018–2020)
• Kedah (2008–2013, 2018–2020)
• Kelantan (2008–2015)

Note: bold as Menteri Besar/Chief Minister, italic as junior partner

State	Position	Office bearer	State constituency
Selangor	Menteri Besar	Amirudin Shari	Sungai Tua

State	Position	Office bearer	State constituency
Penang	Deputy Chief Minister I	Mohamad Abdul Hamid	Batu Maung

Legislative leadership

State	Position	Office bearer	State constituency
Penang	Speaker	Law Choo Kiang	Non-MLA
Selangor	Deputy Speaker	Mohd Kamri Kamaruddin	Bukit Antarabangsa

Official opposition

State	Position	Office bearer	State constituency
Kedah	Opposition Leader	Bau Wong Bau Ek	Sidam
Perlis	Opposition Leader	Gan Ay Ling	Indera Kayangan

General election results

Dewan Rakyat

Election	Leader	Votes		Seats				Position[a]	Government
		No.	Share	Won	Contested	±	Share
1999	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail	773,679	11.7%	5 / 193	5 / 78	5	2.6%	2nd (Barisan Alternatif)	Barisan Nasional
2004		617,518	8.9%	1 / 219	1 / 80	4	0.5%	3rd (Barisan Alternatif)	Barisan Nasional
2008		1,509,080	18.6%	31 / 222	31 / 84	30	14.0%	2nd (Pakatan Rakyat)	Barisan Nasional
2013	Anwar Ibrahim	2,254,211	20.4%	30 / 222	30 / 99	1	13.5%	2nd (Pakatan Rakyat)	Barisan Nasional
2018	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail	2,046,394	16.9%	47 / 222	47 / 70	17	21.2%	1st (Pakatan Harapan)	Pakatan Harapan[b]
2022	Anwar Ibrahim	2,442,038	15.7%	31 / 222	31 / 100	16	14.0%	1st (Pakatan Harapan)	Pakatan Harapan–Barisan Nasional[c]

Note

State election results